Friday, February 26, 2010

Human Rights and Media

Rajendra Bora

Although the concept of ‘Human Rights’ came into existence way back in 1948 with the United Nations’ Universal Declaration but the National Human Rights Commission came into existence in India forty-five years later, in 1993, when ‘The Protection of Human Rights Act’ was enacted by Parliament. The State Human Rights Commissions came into existence much later.

One might wonder why the enactment of law by Parliament was delayed for 45 years? It is because no such necessity was felt. Many of the Articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights had already found place in the Fundamental Rights in the Indian Constitution.

The Indian Constitution is one of the classical documents of its kind and has been drafted in such a systematic and simplified manner that is easy to understand, even for a layman. Than why Human Rights are being flouted so rampantly? Has the Constitution failed? No. They are the mortal being – We the People - have failed.

What is the role of media in protect the Human Rights? Media is supposed to be surrogate of the people and it is duty of media to make constitutional agencies to play their roles effectively and to make the people aware about safeguarding Human Rights which only could ensure success of democracy.

Civil societies always complain that when it comes to the reporting of the human rights-related incidents, the newspapers devote very little space to them, unless the incidents are very newsworthy and has wider importance in the judgment of editors. Newspapers seldom make a serious effort to follow up such stories, which they report with a greater zeal in the beginning.

The printed media has played a significant role in the past in reporting the violation of human rights. However, of late the printed media has been receiving stiff competition from television with the advent of news channels which, many feel, trivializing the incidents for their TRP ratings.

This competition between print and electronic media has compelled them to carve out a new kind of readership and viewership in other areas such as entertainment, cinema, fashion, cuisine, health care, real estate, environment, sports etc. While defending the latest trends, the media mogul are saying that they cater to the demands of readers and viewers. And this assertion by media owners is the real concern for those who want media to remain watchdog of human rights.

The fear that in the entire modernization and revolution process of the Indian media, human rights might take a back seat is not unfounded. This fear is further compounded due to the constant changes in the global economic pattern, which began with the introduction of the WTO.

While discussing role of media It may be questioned if media are a part of Civil Society or as something entirely outside it ?

There is, of course, no simple answer. As we all know media came in many shapes and sizes. The term Fourth Estate was, I suppose, devised because of the very fact that the media are so difficult to characterize.

Generally outside Civil Society are those media that have been established in pursuit of political power or profit and market share. But the boundaries are fuzzy.

Civil societies want media to be free from government interference and also from commercial pressure. It is expected that media go beyond political dogma and entertainment and inform the people objectively. The civil society wants the media to help create a knowledgeable, entrepreneurial and confident society which could protect human rights and which is able to address contemporary concerns of the masses.

In early eighties, a revelation made by Sunday magazine published by Anand Bazar Patrika group from Kolkata with a front page story of the blinding of prisoners in Bhagalpur Jail had virtually rocked the entire nation. This was the first major case of human rights violations ever to have been reported in Indian media, and which brought to light the alarming state of affairs in the jails.

Thereafter in mid eighties, Sheela Barse’s investigative story on the condition of exploitation and abuse of female inmates of Arthur Road Jail in Mumbai, also in Sunday, resulted in an enquiry into the condition of prisons all over Maharashtra.

That is why the media have a critical role to play. There is important job to be done by media in raising awareness about Human Rights and ensure their protection.

There is a direct link between Human Rights, democracy and development. Therefore, there is an urgent need for independent journalism and free media which provide a bedrock for democratic exchange and respect for Human Rights.

By exposing human rights, media can improve the climate of democratic debate and reduce corruption in public life.

Media sensitive to the importance of Human Rights provide reliable source of information through which citizens, human rights groups, private organizations, and public authorities can work together to promote development and eliminate arbitrary abuse of power.

For protection of Human Rights we need independent minded journalists who will play a central role. That can be ensured by bringing professionalism among journalists, editors and publishers. Since quality of sources of information are vital to the defense of human rights for all a professional media sensitive to the contemporary concerns are need of the hour.

Journalists need to work in professional and social conditions where they are free to resolve ethical dilemmas and where they can make professional decisions on editorial content. This type of editorial independence, free from governmental interference and market forces, should exist both in publicly owned and privately owned media irrespective of ownership.

This can be done by unifying the profession, by creating systems of media accountability, by imparting training to working journalists, by creating media resources by promoting respect for international standards of press freedom, and by strengthening media professional organizations.

In today’s scenario somewhere in the avalanche of information available in media we need to find a place for human rights stories.

In the first decade of new millennium we are witnessing huge concentration of economic power known as corporations. We are witnessing professionalisation and institutionalization of propaganda especially as a means for safeguarding corporate interests against democracy.

Unfortunately most members of the public rely upon the corporate media. The prime motive of the media managers is always profit maximization. If owners have multiple business lines their other interests too affect media content.

Traditionally news stories answer five questions, the five Ws : who, what, where, when and why. But corporate economic models have their own definitions. What information becomes news depends on a different set of five Ws, those asked in the market :

1. Who cares about a particular piece of information?
2. What are they willing to pay to find it, or what are others willing to pay to reach them?
3. Where can media outlets or advertisers reach these people?
4. When is it profitable to provide the information?
5. Why is this profitable.

A journalist will not explicitly consider each of these economic questions while doing a story. But the stories, reporters, firms and media that survive in the market place, however, will depend on the answers to these questions, which means media content can be modeled as if the five economic Ws are driving news decisions. This I am quoting from a recent study in United States on how the market transforms information into news.

The media has changed from being a stalwart defending public’s rights into a timid vacillating entity that all intents and purposes censors itself.

It has reduced from what it once was. The news media has morphed into something unrecognizable from what it once was.

This is not to say that the journalists within corporate media are suffering from amnesia.

The media can play a pivotal role by way of building up public opinion, and also by impressing on the government the need to incorporate the subject of human rights, both in schools and also in police training academies, and also in the training institutes for municipal councils, corporations and other revenue departments.

But the tendency of news media to follow guidelines set down by free market capitalists is a stark reality and there is blurring demarcation between journalism and entertainment from the pressure of brand managers.

Can journalists fight these odds and emerge victorious against market forces? That will decide if the media become watchdog of human rights.

(Text of the address made at a workshop on Human Rights at International College of Girls)

Misuse of Power by Police and Misuse of Police by Persons in Authority

Rajendra Bora

I would like to begin by quoting management guru Arindam Chaudhury whose recent book has taken the Indian business world by storm. In his best selling book “Count Your Chikens Before They Hatch” Arindam tells an interesting observation about Japanese people in the chapter titled “Pegging Cultural Holes”. In Japan “when a man runs short of money in the market place and goes to borrow some from the policeman round the corner, he meets with a pleasant experience. The policeman might not even ask for his address, for, trust levels are too high and policeman knows that a Japanese would rarely cheat his country. When this is how a citizen is treated. In turn he also acts responsibly and reacts by picking up a wastepaper lying by the road and taking it home to throw in his dust bin”.

It may sound a fairy tale to us Indians because the Police force is just not considered as a friend here despite all efforts made in the past to make it so. The overwhelming perception of the common people about the Police is that it is a “force of monsters”. The man in uniform does not come out with flying colours in the hour of needs of common people. Therefore, it is not surprising that half of the total complaints being received by the National Human Rights Commission of India annually are against Police personnel.

It is quite educating if one scans the nature of complaints being received by the Commission because it gives a fair idea about the force which is considered as the most visible organ of the State. These complaints indicate that the Indian Police Force is not only “brutal and lawless, highly corrupt, partisan and politicized” but also lacks “professional competence”.

The Role of Police is every society is always critical because the main tasks of the State , that of maintenance of public order and peace and ensuring protection of citizens, are performed by this force. It is said that the importance of policing stems from the fact that in ultimate analysis the sanction behind state power is the use of force. Since the Police is the tool to enforce the will of the State, the functioning of the Police denotes the level of democracy. When the power of uniform is abused the weaker sections of the society are more oppressed.

The Police Commission in its first report had stated that “one of the fundamental requisites of good government in a democracy is an institutionalized arrangement for effectively guarding against excesses or omissions by the executive in the exercise of their powers or discharge of their mandatory duties which cause injury, harm, annoyance or undue hardship to any individual citizen”.

This check against abuse of authority is most vital in case of the Police force that enjoys abundant power over the people affecting their rights, including that of life and liberty.

Despite explicit constitutional checks and balances, all fundamental rights of a citizen become irrelevant for at least 24 hours before his mandatory production before a magistrate. As the Police Commission pointed out “powers of arrest, search, seizure, institution of a criminal case in court, preparation of reports on the alleged anti-social conduct of any specific individual etc. mark several stages in the executive police action which afford large scope for misconduct by the Police personnel in different ranks, particularly at the operational level causing harm and harassment to the citizens.

During the pre-independence days of British and feudal rule the function of the Police was to establish authority of its masters over the subjects. It is interesting to note the observation of the Police Commission of 1902 which described the British Indian Police as “tyrannical and dishonest”. It is no different now.

The Police force inherited by Independent India had no experience of functioning in democratic governance. Adoption of short cuts and illegal and brutal methods continued unabated not only dehumanizing the Force but also sapping their skill and competence. This causes decline in law and order and erosion of human rights.

Given our colonial legacy the Police learnt only as to how to protect the ruler by suppressing all rebellion and dissent. The present “democratically elected rulers” still want the Police act in the same way.

It is said that an illegitimate political system is inclined to use the Police force illegally to buttress itself. An ideologically bankrupt polity also behaves in a similar fashion making the Police an ultimate agent of corruption. Therefore, the perception of the people that the Police is an instrument of oppression and abuse of power is not off the mark.

In the Indian context the Police is a State subject. That means that the Force is controlled by the present political masters in states. We have seen a tendency of the political executive to use or abuse the Police Force for partisan and personal ends. The governance has been reduced to patronage by way of transfers and postings of bureaucrats. By doing this the persons in power ensures the loyalty of the Police personnel to them and their party cadres. Here comes the misuse of Police by persons in authority that in turn results in misuse of power by the Police.

Because the Police officials allow themselves to be used by political masters or people in authority it seems to me that law enforcement officer simply are in wrong profession. This is the profession that should have no place for spineless persons.

Policing is too serious a business to be left to policemen and politicians alone. However, despite literature galore on the subject there are as yet no coherent ideas about what should be done to make police follow the constitutional mandate. There is no lack of talent in the Indian Police Force that can boast of exceptional quality officers who are able to evolve creative responses to new problems. However, it is a big question whether they are allowed to do so. Their responses rarely find institutional expression or lead to structural reforms. For this, an informed public debate is necessary.
The behaviour of individual officers is a very gray thing. The pressures on them from the higher ups, from the organization and its structure and the society mean that the officers operate in a minefield, an in an area where mistakes are not just mistakes they can learn from, they are often disastrous. I think one of the main problems for policing is loyalty. Loyalty to the society, in whose service the police force function and operate.

And what is about the police culture. It is the culture of taking sides. Society expects the policemen to function fairly and impartially but it is a far dream. In the public perception the Police acts only when there is pressure from above or the palms of policemen are greased.

Despite repeated recommendations of the Police Commissions little has been done for police reforms. We have economic reforms, we have power sector reforms, and we have money market reforms. But there is no talk of police reform. There is a strong resistance to the idea of police reforms because politicians and bureaucrats both have developed a great vested interest in retaining control and superintendence over the Police organization. Within the Police establishment also there are those who are content to retain the status quo. They are closely associated with powerful interests and allow the system to continue.

This system is resulting in subverting the rule of law and also obstructing the growth of a healthy and professional system.

Police does not work in a vacuum. It works in a social and political order. The situation in India has been complicated by not very fair political and electoral system largely funded by black money and criminal muscle power. Such system uses the Police force for its parochial end.

Therefore, for the evolution of a responsible Police force we shall have to create a responsible and responsive polity. But that seems to be a tall order and there is no effort from any quarter to bring the change. There is complete lack of leadership in every field whether it in religious. We have no leaders in true sense who could guide us and lead us to a better democratic governance.

But till we get another Gandhi let us do a little bit ourselves. Debate our ills. That is what we are doing here today.

A beginning can be made by implementing the Police Commission’s recommendations that included suggestion of establishment of a state security commission in every state as a statutory body. The state security commission can lay down policy guidelines for the performance of preventive and service oriented functions by the Police and can evaluate the performance of the state police every year. Although the state legislatures discuss the functioning of police during budget sessions but we know how low the level of discussion there has gone down. There is hardly any objective or constructive discussion on any subject in legislatures.

The police commission can also act as a forum where police personnel could air their grievances over illegal orders and their shifting for not obeying political masters.

There is an urgent need for an independent auditor or monitor to check unfair investigation means.

The police force is really needed to be accountable to create people’s confidence in it.. It should have to be made to understand that it cannot get away with anything it wants to.

The country has invested hugely in the expansion of police force but no related investment has been made in holding its personnel accountable. And that should be our main priority.

(A keynote address presented at a workshop held at University of Rajasthan)

Friday, February 19, 2010

Water tariff in Rajasthan poised for a steep hike

Rajendra Bora

Jaipur.The water rates in Rajasthan are poised to go up steeply if the new draft of State’s Water Policy is adopted and implemented in letter and spirit.

The new Policy being vigorously pursued by the Gehlot Government calls for “rationalization of Operation and Maintenance charges” by introducing “an effective differential water tariff” which will go “progressively upward towards full cost of operation and maintenance”.

The Draft Policy document proposes to charge a “three or four stepped water tariff” with the highest rate for excessive use of water for different uses including agricultural, industrial, commercial and municipal purposes.

The idea behind the stepped water tariff is to use the higher rates as a “strong disincentive” for “profligate water usages”

“This stepped water tariff will be set to ensure magnitude difference in water rates between lowest and highest rates”, the Draft Policy says adding that “the first stepped rate of relatively cheap water will be common to all water users”.

Although the draft policy does not quantify the water uses by consumers for setting lowest or what it termed as “cheap rate” but if the chart of water usage in urban and lower areas given in the draft policy is any indication use above 120 Liters Per Capita Per Day (LPCD) in Metro or Mega cities, 100 LPCD in other cities and towns would attract progressively higher water tariff.

Similarly the draft policy suggest usage of more than the benchmark of 70 LPCD in rural desert areas and 60 LPCD in other rural areas may attract hike in water rates.

The Policy suggest preparation of legal framework by ensuring participation of all stakeholders for efficient water management of water resources as “it has become increasingly difficult to mange the water resources by the Government on its own”.

(The story published in February 19,2010 issue of The Hindustan Times)

Saturday, February 13, 2010

दास्तान कागज़ के फूल की

राजेंद्र बोड़ा

जिस प्रकार सफ़ेद कागज़ पर पेन या पेंसिल से लिखा जाता है वैसे ही सिनेमा में सफ़ेद परदे पर कैमरे से लि-खा जाता है. एक मायने में सिनेमा का पर्दा सफ़ेद कागज़ का बड़ा रूप है. कागज़ पर क्या लिखा गया है यह लिखने वाले पर निर्भर करता है. एक अनाड़ी का शब्दजाल भी उस पर लिखा जा सकता है तो शब्दों और अनुभूतियों का कोई धनी उस पर कोई कालजयी रचना भी उकेर सकता है. कागज़ पर लेखक लिखता है और सिनेमा के परदे पर छायाकार लिखता है. मगर सिनेमा साझेदारी वाली कला है जिसमें कई कलाओं का संगम होता है. विभिन्न कलाओं के महारथी मिलकर एक नयी सिनेमा कला का सृजन करते हैं. मूर्त, अमूर्त चित्र कलाओं के आयामों से आगे जाकर छायाचित्र और उससे भी आगे जाकर चलचित्र अपना यथार्थ रचता है. सिनेमा में यह यथार्थ कैमरे से उकेरता तो छायाकार है मगर उसका सृजक निर्देशक होता है. निर्देशक की कल्पना परदे पर तभी पूरी साकार होती है जब छायाकार और उसकी समझ में सम्पूर्ण साझा हो. ऐसी ही साझेदारी निर्देशक गुरुदत्त और छायाकार वी. के. मूर्ति के बीच थी जिसने गुरुदत्त की कालजयी फिल्मों की रचना की. मूर्ति को इस साल के दादा साहेब फाल्के पुरस्कार के लिए चुना गया है. इस पुरस्कार के बहाने गुरुदत्त का रचनाकर्म भी फिर एकबार रेखांकित हुआ है.

'कागज़ के फूल' गुरुदत्त की महत्वाकांक्षी फिल्म थी. इस फिल्मकार की शुरुआत 'क्राइम थ्रिलर' विधा से हुई. 'बाज़ी', 'जाल', 'बाज़', 'आर-पार', 'मिस्टर एंड मिसेज 55' और 'सी आई डी' जैसी फ़िल्में निर्देशित करने और निर्माण करने के बाद उन्होंने 'प्यासा' जैसी गंभीर फिल्म बना कर अपनी धारा बदली थी.

'कागज़ के फूल' देश की पहली सिनेमास्कोप फिल्म थी. इसके लिए गुरुदत्त ने हॉलीवुड की ‘ट्वेटियथ सेंचुरी फोक्स’ कम्पनी से सिनेमास्कोप फार्मेट का उपयोग करने का कापीराईट लाइसेंस प्राप्त किया था. यह फिल्म छायाकार मूर्ति के लिए गुरुदत्त की विशेष सौगात थी. गुरुदत्त की फिल्म 'बाज़' असफल रही थी जिससे उन्हें काफी घाटा हुआ था. 'बाज़' के बाद गुरुदत्त ने 'आर-पार' फिल्म शुरू की. मूर्ति के शब्दों में "गुरुदत्त 'आर-पार' को जल्द से जल्द पूरा कर लेना चाहते थे. कईं बार वे मुझ पर चिल्ला पड़ते थे कि मैं शॉट की तैयारी में इतना समय क्यूँ लगा रहा हूँ. एक बार लंच से पहले मैं एक शॉट के लिए लाइटिंग कर रहा था. सारा काम हो जाने के बाद में उसमे बेहतरी के लिए कुछ फेर बदल करने लगा. मगर गुरुदत्त अड़ गए. नहीं कुछ नहीं करना है. जैसा है वैसा ही शॉट लेंगे. और उन्होंने मुझसे वैसे ही शॉट लिवाया. उसके बाद सभी लंच के लिए स्टूडियो से बाहर चले गए. मैं वहीँ बैठ गया और मेरे आंसू निकल आये क्योंकि मैं जैसा चाहता था वैसा शॉट नहीं ले सका था. मेरे मन में आया मैं फिल्म छोड़ दूं . पंद्रह मिनट बाद गुरुदत्त मुझे खोजते हुए स्टूडियो में आये. मेरी आँखों में आंसूं देख मुझे कहने लगे मूर्ति तुम्हें मेरी पोजीशन मालूम है. कितने पैसों का घाटा हुआ है. इसलिए में तुम पर दबाव डाल रहा हूँ.फिर कहने लगे अब यहाँ बैठे बैठे लड़की की तरह टेसुए मत बहाओ. यह क्या पागलपन है. चलो मैं ख़ास तौर पर तुम्हारे लिए एक फिल्म बनाऊंगा. वह फिल्म डायरेक्टर के किरदार पर होगी जिसमें स्टूडियो का खूबसूरत वातावरण होगा. इसलिए प्लीज अभी मेरे साथ कोआपरेट करो. गुरुदत्त ने बाद में अपना वादा निभाया और 'कागज़ के फूल' में मूर्ति को अपना कौशल दिखाने की पूरी स्वतंत्रता दी.

'कागज़ के फूल' 2 अक्तूबर 1959 को रिलीज हुई.

फिल्म इंडिया में समीक्षक ने टिप्पणी की : "कागज़ के फूल अत्यंत ही मामूली फिल्म है सिवाय इस एक बात के कि वह सिनेमास्कोप में बनी है. यह एक अवसादकारी, ढीली कहानी है जिसे बहुत ही उबाऊ तरीके से कहा गया है".

फिल्म का दिल्ली में भव्य प्रीमियर हुआ जिसमें तत्कालीन उप राष्ट्रपति सर्वपल्ली राधाकृष्णन ने भी शिरकत की. मगर समीक्षकों और दर्शकों दोनों ने फिल्म को तत्काल ख़ारिज कर दिया. कईं शहरों में तो यह फिल्म एक हफ्ते में सिनेमाघरों से उतर गयी.

भले ही दर्शकों को फिल्म पसंद नहीं आयी मगर फिल्म के कलात्मक पक्षों को सर्वत्र प्रशंसा मिली. इसके छायाकार वी. के. मूर्ति को इस फिल्म की श्रेष्ठ फोटोग्राफी के लिए उस साल का 'फिल्मफेयर पुरस्कार' मिला. फिल्म के कला निर्देशन के लिए पुरस्कार भी इसी फिल्म के लिए एम. आर. अचरेकर को मिला.

कुछ बरस बाद 1963 में 'फिल्मफेयर' में गुरुदत्त का एक इंटरव्यू छपा जिसमें उन्होंने अपनी इस फिल्म के बारे में कहा : "वह टुकड़ों-टुकड़ों में अच्छी थी. वह बहुत धीमी भी थी और वह दर्शकों के सिर पर से गुजर गयी".

कैफ़ी आज़मी, जिन्होंने कागज़ के फूल के गीत लिखे, की टिप्पणी थी कि यह फिल्म तकनीकी रूप से गुरुदत्त की सर्वश्रेष्ठ फिल्म थी. "मैं समझता हूँ यह उनका सर्वश्रेष्ठ काम था. मगर फिल्म में वे क्या कहना चाहते थे वह स्पस्ट नहीं हो पाया. उस समय उनकी मानसिक स्थिति ऐसी ही थी. उनकी घरेलू ज़िन्दगी में जबरदस्त उथल-पुथल मची हुई थी.यही कारण था कि वे फिल्म की स्क्रिप्ट में लगातार बदलाव करते रहे. जितने सीन आख़िरकार फिल्म में रहे उससे अधिक निकाल दिए गए. बॉक्स ऑफिस पर फिल्म की असफलता ने उनके आत्मविश्वास को हिला कर रख दिया".

'कागज़ के फूल' के बाद गुरुदत्त का नाम किसी फिल्म के टाइटल में निर्देशक के रूप में फिर कभी नहीं आया.

फिल्म 'कागज़ के फूल' की बात हो और वी. के. मूर्ति के उस फिल्मांकन की चर्चा नहीं हो जिसमें उन्होंने सूरज की रोशनी की बीम का लाजवाब शॉट लिया था संभव नहीं है. हुआ ऐसा कि एक दिन सुबह के समय महबूब स्टूडियो में किसी छत की किसी दरार से सूरज की रोशनी कहीं आकर पड़ रही थी. स्टूडियो के वातावरण में रेत के कणों से रोशनी की एक रेखा बन रही थी. गुरुदत्त मूर्ति से बोले क्या तुम मुझे ऐसा इफेक्ट दे सकते हो? मूर्ति ने कहा क्यों नहीं अगर हम दिन के खास समय पर शूट करें. गुरुदत्त ने कहा नहीं तुम्हें और किसी तरह से यह प्रभाव पैदा करना होगा. हम यहाँ अगले दस दिन तक शूटिंग कर रहे हैं. जब भी तुम्हें इसका रास्ता सूझे हम सीन शूट कर लेंगे. रोशनी की बीम का प्रभाव फिल्म के उस अंतिम सीन के लिए रचा जाना था जहाँ फिल्म के नायक की मृत्यु होती है. बाद में यही प्रभाव ‘वक़्त ने किया क्या हसीं सितम’ गीत के फिल्मांकन के दौरान भी उपयोग में लिया गया. इस दृश्य को फिल्माने के लिए उन्होंने दो बड़े आईनों के जरिये सूर्य की रोशनी को रिफ्लेक्ट करके स्टूडियो की जमीन पर उतारा. फिर हल्का सा धुंआ करके रोशनी की बीम बनायी और उसे शूट किया.

‘वक़्त ने किया क्या हसीं सितम’ गाने की भी दिलचस्प कहानी है. फिल्म के लिए एस. डी. बर्मन ने एक धुन बनाई जो सभी को पसंद आयी. मगर गाने के लिए फिल्म में कोई सिचुएशन ही नहीं थी. गुरुदत्त गाने की कोई सिचुएशन बनाना चाहते थे पर उन्हें कुछ सूझ नहीं रहा था. कैफ़ी आज़मी ने बर्मन की धुन पर बोल लिख कर सुनाये तो वे गुरुदत्त को पसंद नहीं आये. कैफ़ी ने पूछा भई सिचुएशन तो बताओ तो वैसा लिखू. गुरुदत्त कहने लगे मैं इसमें आपकी कोई मदद नहीं कर सकता. सच तो यह है कि फिल्म में गाने कि सिचुएशन है ही नहीं. वहां आफिस में और लोग भी मौजूद थे. कैफ़ी सब की तरफ पीठ करके बैठ गए और धुन पर नए बोल लिखने लगे. पूरा करके वे मुड़े और सुनाया "वक़्त ने किया क्या हसीं सितम" जो गुरुदत्त को तुरंत पसंद आ गया. गाने की गीता दत्त की आवाज़ में रेकॉर्डिंग भी हो गयी मगर गुरुदत्त को फिर भी लगता रहा कि इस गाने की सिचुएशन फिल्म में नहीं है. मगर गाना इतना बढ़िया बना कि उसने खुद फिल्म में अपनी सिचुएशन पैदा करवा ली. गुरुदत्त ने बड़ी ही खूबसूरती से मूर्ति के कैमरे से वह कालजयी गाना फिल्माया. बाकी सब इतिहास है.

(जयपुर के पिंक सिटी प्रेस क्लब ने फिल्म फैन्स सोसाइटी' के साथ मिलकर 13 फरवरी 2010 को 'कागज़ के फूल' फिल्म का प्रदर्शन किया. इस फिल्म के छायाकार वी के मूर्ति को इस साल के दादा साहेब फाल्के पुरस्कार के लिए चुना गया है. यह फिल्म प्रदर्शन मूर्ति को समर्पित था.)